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    Rommé, Rommee, amerikanisch Rummy, ist ein Kartenspiel für zwei bis sechs Personen. In Österreich ist das Spiel unter dem originalen amerikanischen Namen Rummy verbreitet; der französisch scheinende Name Rommé, der in Deutschland gebräuchlich ist. Rommé, Rommee (in Österreich auch Jolly), amerikanisch Rummy (von Rum bzw. rummy: vgl. Artikel Gin Rummy), ist ein Kartenspiel für zwei bis sechs. Spielanleitung. Spielanleitung Rommé Jeder Spieler bekommt zu Beginn 13 Karten. Die restlichen Karten werden als Stapel in die Mitte gelegt. Die oberste Karte. Lernen Sie hier die Spielregeln für das beliebte Kartenspiel Romme (Rummy, Romme, Rommee). Lesen Sie die Spielanleitung und probieren Sie Ihr gelerntes​. Kurz & Bündig erklärt: das Kartenspiel Rommé ›› Mit Spickzettel der Regeln als PDF (1 Seite) für Anfänger ‹‹ Angefangen bei der Anzahl der Karten über Geben​.

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    Scheck also writes that there were no SS units in the area. Butler believes that "it's almost impossible to imagine" Rommel authorising or countenancing such actions.

    He also writes that "Some accusers have twisted a remark in Rommel's own account of the action in the village of Le Quesnoy as proof that he at least tacitly condoned the executions—'any enemy troops were either wiped out or forced to withdraw'—but the words themselves as well as the context of the passage hardly support the contention.

    Unlike other occasions in , when Germans and Africans met, there was no deliberate massacre of survivors. Nevertheless, the riflemen took few prisoners, and the delay imposed by the tirailleurs forced the Panzers to advance unsupported until Rommel was ordered to halt for fear of coming under attack by Stukas.

    Giordana Terracina writes that: "On April 3, the Italians recaptured Benghazi and a few months later the Afrika Korps led by Rommel was sent to Libya and began the deportation of the Jews of Cyrenaica in the concentration camp of Giado and other smaller towns in Tripolitania.

    This measure was accompanied by shooting, also in Benghazi, of some Jews guilty of having welcomed the British troops, on their arrival, treating them as liberators.

    Terracina says it must have happened before 20 November , when Rommel was recalled to Germany.

    According to Remy, on this same day, Rommel was already back in Germany discussing the fortifications with Hitler and Speer, before returning to Italy briefly to prepare for the move to France.

    However, Germany' s direct involvement in the colonial authorities' affairs and management did not completely materialize until Libyan Jews noted that in daily matters, the Germans largely acted out of pragmatic economic interest rather than adopting the political and ideological practices known elsewhere.

    The situation only became radicalized for the Jews when Italy entered the war in Deportation to Giado, the worst experience that happened to Libyan Jews, was implemented by Italian authorities under the order of Mussolini when he deemed Libyan Jews as traitors in According to German historian Wolfgang Proske, Rommel forbade his soldiers to buy anything from the Jewish population of Tripoli, used Jewish slave labour and commanded Jews to clear out minefields by walking on them ahead of his forces.

    According to the BBC, on 9 October , Italian racial laws were extended to Libya, and by the end of the war, hundreds of Jews used as slave labour would perish from ill treatment.

    Historian Jens Hoppe notes that Libya was the colony of an Axis power and thus it was unlike Tunisia, which was directly under Nazi Germany's control.

    The Germans then hold a meeting to decide the deployment of Jewish forced labour, with the significant authority being Rahn, Rauff and Nehring.

    Libyan Jews deported to Tunisia were under the control of the Sicherheitsdienst , led by Rauff, and the Wehrmacht's use of Jewish forced labour in Tunisia began under Nehring on 6 December According to Rahn, it was von Arnim who had led the Axis forces in North Africa since 8 December who assigned Jewish labour companies to individual units.

    According to the publication Jewish Communities of the World edited by Anthony Lerman , in under the German occupation, the Benghazi quarter that housed Jewish population was plundered and Jews were deported across the desert, out of which circa a fifth have perished [] Malka Hillel Shulewitz in Forgotten Millions: The Modern Jewish Exodus from Arab writes that up to , the only anti-Jewish riots since centuries in Libya happened during German occupation and plunder in Banghazi [] The Illustrated Atlas of Jewish Civilization: 4, Years of Jewish History by Martin Gilbert state that that German occupation led to first anti-Jewish pogrom in and subsequent plunder of the Jewish district alongside of expulsion of Jews [] The Moment magazine in an article "Once upon a time in Libya" published in May stated that "on orders from the German military commander, the Axis forces, in , plundered Jewish shops and deported 2, Benghazi Jews to Giado".

    In though, except for a few wealthy families, the Jews were sent by Italians to concentration camps in Giado, Gharian and Yefren, under the order of Mussolini.

    The situation became worse after Balbo died in an aircraft accident. In , when the Italians regained control, they accused the Jews of betrayal.

    Christian Gerlach writes that: "There is no evidence of German extermination efforts against the ,—, Jews in Libya and Tunisia - Italian and French colonies, respectively - where German troops operated in — This was in contrast to the fact that in the protocol of the Wannsee conference French northern Africa was included in the figures of Jews to be targeted.

    Measures, which began in November , were largely restricted in Tunisia to German- and Italian- organized forced labor and official plunder; and in Libya to the Italian internment of foreign Jews and those from the region of Cyrenaica.

    Rommel and his troops were technically subordinate to Italian commander-in-chief General Italo Gariboldi. The British Western Desert Force had meanwhile been weakened by the transfer in mid-February of three divisions for the Battle of Greece.

    Benghazi fell that night as the British pulled out of the city. Rommel was equally forceful in his response, telling Gariboldi, "One cannot permit unique opportunities to slip by for the sake of trifles.

    Knowing Gariboldi could not speak German, Rommel told him the message gave him complete freedom of action. Gariboldi backed down.

    On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days.

    The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up.

    Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day.

    Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed.

    The siege of Tobruk was not technically a siege , as the defenders were still able to move supplies and reinforcements into the city via the port.

    Rommel requested reinforcements, but the OKW, then completing preparations for Operation Barbarossa , refused. On 4 May Paulus ordered that no further attempts should be made to take Tobruk via a direct assault.

    This order was not open to interpretation, and Rommel had no choice but to comply. While awaiting further reinforcements and a shipment of tanks that were already on their way, Wavell launched a limited offensive code named Operation Brevity on 15 May.

    The British briefly seized Sollum , Fort Capuzzo , and the important Halfaya Pass , a bottleneck along the coast near the border between Libya and Egypt.

    Rommel soon forced them to withdraw. The attack was defeated in a four-day battle at Sollum and Halfaya Pass, resulting in the loss of 98 British tanks.

    The Germans lost 12 tanks, while capturing and seriously damaging over 20 British tanks. The two Italian armoured divisions, Ariete and Trieste , were still under Italian control.

    Kesselring was ordered to get control of the air and sea between Africa and Italy. Following his success in Battleaxe, Rommel returned his attention to the capture of Tobruk.

    He made preparations for a new offensive, to be launched between 15 and 20 November. Auchinleck had tanks and double the number of Axis aircraft.

    Auchinleck launched Operation Crusader , a major offensive to relieve Tobruk, on 18 November Noting that the British armour was separated into three groups incapable of mutual support, he concentrated his Panzers so as to gain local superiority.

    The airfield at Sidi Rezegh was retaken by 21st Panzer on 22 November. In four days of fighting, the Eighth Army lost tanks and Rommel only Wanting to exploit the British halt and their apparent disorganisation, on 24 November Rommel counterattacked near the Egyptian border in an operation that became known as the "dash to the wire".

    While Rommel drove into Egypt, the remaining Commonwealth forces east of Tobruk threatened the weak Axis lines there. On 27 November the British attack on Tobruk linked up with the defenders, and Rommel, having suffered losses that could not easily be replaced, had to concentrate on regrouping the divisions that had attacked into Egypt.

    By 7 December Rommel fell back to a defensive line at Gazala, just west of Tobruk, all the while under heavy attack from the Desert Air Force.

    The Bardia garrison surrendered on 2 January and Halfaya on 17 January On 5 January the Afrika Korps received 55 tanks and new supplies and Rommel started planning a counterattack.

    On 21 January, Rommel launched the attack. The Axis forces retook Benghazi on 29 January and Timimi on 3 February, with the Allies pulling back to a defensive line just before the Tobruk area south of the coastal town of Gazala.

    Rommel placed a thin screen of mobile forces before them, and held the main force of the Panzerarmee well back near Antela and Mersa Brega.

    Following Kesselring's successes in creating local air superiority around the British naval and air bases at Malta in April , an increased flow of supplies reached the Axis forces in Africa.

    He knew the British were planning offensive operations as well, and he hoped to pre-empt them. While out on reconnaissance on 6 April, he was severely bruised in the abdomen when his vehicle was the target of artillery fire.

    Unlike the British, the Axis forces had no armoured reserve; all operable equipment was put into immediate service.

    In addition, Italian tanks were in service, but these were under-gunned and poorly armoured. Early in the afternoon of 26 May , Rommel attacked first and the Battle of Gazala commenced.

    Italian infantry supplemented with small numbers of armoured forces assaulted the centre of the Gazala fortifications.

    To give the impression that this was the main assault, spare aircraft engines mounted on trucks were used to create huge clouds of dust.

    Ritchie was not convinced by this display, and left the 4th and 22nd Armoured Brigades in position at the south end of the Commonwealth position.

    The Grant tanks proved to be impossible to knock out except at close range. Renewing the attack on the morning of 28 May, Rommel concentrated on encircling and destroying separate units of the British armour.

    Repeated British counterattacks threatened to cut off and destroy the Afrika Korps. Running low on fuel, Rommel assumed a defensive posture, forming "the Cauldron".

    He made use of the extensive British minefields to shield his western flank. Meanwhile, Italian infantry cleared a path through the mines to provide supplies.

    On 30 May Rommel resumed the offensive, attacking westwards to link with elements of Italian X Corps, which had cleared a path through the Allied minefields to establish a supply line.

    On 15 June Axis forces reached the coast, cutting off the escape for the Commonwealth forces still occupying the Gazala positions.

    With this task completed, Rommel struck for Tobruk while the enemy was still confused and disorganised. The assault on Tobruk began at dawn on 20 June, and Klopper surrendered at dawn the following day.

    On 22 June, Hitler promoted Rommel to Generalfeldmarschall for this victory. Following his success at Gazala and Tobruk, Rommel wanted to seize the moment and not allow 8th Army a chance to regroup.

    However, Hitler viewed the North African campaign primarily as a way to assist his Italian allies, not as an objective in and of itself. He would not consider sending Rommel the reinforcements and supplies he needed to take and hold Egypt, as this would have required diverting men and supplies from his primary focus: the Eastern Front.

    Rommel's success at Tobruk worked against him, as Hitler no longer felt it was necessary to proceed with Operation Herkules , the proposed attack on Malta.

    He pressed an attack on the heavily fortified town of Mersa Matruh , which Auchinleck had designated as the fall-back position, surrounding it on 28 June.

    The four divisions of X Corps were caught in the encirclement, and were ordered by Auchinleck to attempt a breakout. The 29th Indian Infantry Brigade was nearly destroyed, losing 6, troops and 40 tanks.

    In addition to stockpiles of fuel and other supplies, the British abandoned hundreds of tanks and trucks. Those that were functional were put into service by the Panzerarmee.

    All POWs had to endure extremely hard living condition. Non-European soldiers were mistreated and several were shot if they were giving the captors troubles.

    Horn writes that both German and Italian forces did not view black and coloured prisoners as regular troops; and "we do know that German and Italian treatment of black Allied soldiers was for the most part dreadful".

    According to Horn, black soldiers were threatened with death if they refused to work, which would constitute violation of Geneva Convention, and describes other types of mistreatment such as giving their food rations to one biscuit per day and giving them minimum water rations.

    Furthermore another witness report describes how Indian and black soldiers were barred from seeking cover in shelters during Allied bombings.

    Throughout the forced labour the captured soldiers were subjected to assaults by both German and Italian guards supervising their work.

    This impression was one of the factors that helped the POWs to identify with the German captors to a degree, whom they would less likely defy than the Italians.

    According to Remy, no incident of assault by the soldiers of the Afrika Korps themselves against the prisoners in the process of delivering them to the Italian side is currently known.

    Despite his insistence that the black and white prisoners should be in the same compounds and accorded the same treatment, [] the black and white POWs were only kept together at the early state of detention, with the black POWs being singled out for harsher tasks and maltreatment.

    Although, in segregating the prisoners, it was the Italian side that followed the Geneva Convention which discouraged gathering of prisoners of different races and nationalities.

    Rommel continued his pursuit of the Eighth Army, which had fallen back to heavily prepared defensive positions at El Alamein.

    This region is a natural choke point, where the Qattara Depression creates a relatively short line to defend that could not be outflanked to the south because of the steep escarpment.

    During this time Germans prepared numerous propaganda postcards and leaflets for Egyptian and Syrian population urging them to "chase English out of the cities", warning them about "Jewish peril" and with one leaflet printed in , copies and aimed at Syria stating among others Because Marshal Rommel, at the head of the brave Axis troops, is already rattling the last gates of England's power!

    Help your friends achieve their goal:abolishing the English-Jewish-American tyranny! Rommel had around available tanks.

    The Allies were able to achieve local air superiority, with heavy bombers attacking the 15th and 21st Panzers, who had also been delayed by a sandstorm.

    The 90th Light Division veered off course and were pinned down by South African artillery fire. Rommel continued to attempt to advance for two more days, but repeated sorties by the Desert Air Force meant he could make no progress.

    The ridge was captured by the 26th Australian Brigade on 16 July. Rommel realised that the tide was turning. Bernard Montgomery was made the new commander of Eighth Army that same day.

    The Eighth Army had initially been assigned to General William Gott , but he was killed when his plane was shot down on 7 August. The Battle of Alam el Halfa was launched on 30 August.

    The terrain left Rommel with no choice but to follow a similar tactic as he had at previous battles: the bulk of the forces attempted to sweep around from the south while secondary attacks were launched on the remainder of the front.

    It took much longer than anticipated to get through the minefields in the southern sector, and the tanks got bogged down in unexpected patches of quicksand Montgomery had arranged for Rommel to acquire a falsified map of the terrain.

    By 2 September, Rommel realized the battle was unwinnable, and decided to withdraw. Montgomery had made preparations to cut the Germans off in their retreat, but in the afternoon of 2 September he visited Corps commander Brian Horrocks and gave orders to allow the Germans to retire.

    This was to preserve his own strength intact for the main battle which was to come. Montgomery called off further action to preserve his strength and allow for further desert training for his forces.

    The British losses, except tank losses of 68, were much less, further adding to the numerical inferiority of Panzer Army Afrika.

    The Desert Air Force inflicted the highest proportions of damage on Rommel's forces. He now realized the war in Africa could not be won.

    Improved decoding by British intelligence see Ultra meant that the Allies had advance knowledge of virtually every Mediterranean convoy, and only 30 percent of shipments were getting through.

    Stumme, in command in Rommel's absence, died of an apparent heart attack while examining the front on 24 October, and Rommel was ordered to return from his medical leave, arriving on the 25th.

    By the end of 25 October, the 15th Panzer, the defenders in this sector, had only 31 serviceable tanks remaining of their initial force of On 28 October, Montgomery shifted his focus to the coast, ordering his 1st and 10th Armoured Divisions to attempt to swing around and cut off Rommel's line of retreat.

    Meanwhile, Rommel concentrated his attack on the Allied salient at Kidney Ridge, inflicting heavy losses. However, Rommel had only operational tanks remaining, and Montgomery had , many of them Shermans.

    Montgomery, seeing his armoured brigades losing tanks at an alarming rate, stopped major attacks until the early hours of 2 November, when he opened Operation Supercharge, with a massive artillery barrage.

    Rommel, who believed that the lives of his soldiers should never be squandered needlessly, was stunned. He later said the decision to delay was what he most regretted from his time in Africa.

    As Rommel attempted to withdraw his forces before the British could cut off his retreat, he fought a series of delaying actions.

    Heavy rains slowed movements and grounded the Desert Air Force, which aided the withdrawal. According to Kourt von Esebeck, those German parts of Panzerarmee Africa that were motorized slipped away from El Alamein, all vehicles had been taken away from Italian forces, leaving them behind, [] but were under pressure from the pursuing Eighth Army.

    According to officers of the Italian X Corps, they were not deliberately abandoned and an effort to save all divisions would only have led to destruction of more units.

    Rommel defended his decision, pointing out that if he tried to assume a defensive position the Allies would destroy his forces and take the airfields anyway; the retreat saved the lives of his remaining men and shortened his supply lines.

    By now, Rommel's remaining forces fought in reduced strength combat groups, whereas the Allied forces had great numerical superiority and control of the air.

    Upon his arrival in Tunisia , Rommel noted with some bitterness the reinforcements, including the 10th Panzer Division, arriving in Tunisia following the Allied invasion of Morocco.

    Robert Satloff writes in his book Among the Righteous: Lost Stories from the Holocaust's Long Reach into Arab Lands that as the German and Italian forces retreated across Libya towards Tunisia, the Jewish population became victim upon which they released their anger and frustration.

    This violence and persecution only came to an end with the arrival of General Montgomery in Tripoli on January 23 Remy quotes Isaac Levy, the Senior Jewish Chaplain of the Eighth Army, as saying that he had never seen "any sign or hint that the soldiers [of the Afrika Korps] are antisemitic.

    According to several historians, allegations and stories that associate Rommel and the Afrika Korps with the harassing and plundering of Jewish gold and property in Tunisia are usually known under the name "Rommel's treasure" or "Rommel's gold".

    Michael FitzGerald comments that the treasure should be named more accurately as Rauff's gold, as Rommel had nothing to do with its acquisition or removal.

    The person who gave birth to the full-blown legend was the SS soldier Walter Kirner, who presented a false map to the French authorities. Having reached Tunisia, Rommel launched an attack against the U.

    II Corps which was threatening to cut his lines of supply north to Tunis. Rommel inflicted a sharp defeat on the American forces at the Kasserine Pass in February, his last battlefield victory of the war, and his first engagement against the United States Army.

    Rommel immediately turned back against the British forces, occupying the Mareth Line old French defences on the Libyan border.

    Though Messe replaced Rommel, he diplomatically deferred to him, and the two coexisted in what was theoretically the same command.

    On 23 February Armeegruppe Afrika was created with Rommel in command. Alerted by Ultra intercepts, Montgomery deployed large numbers of anti-tank guns in the path of the offensive.

    After losing 52 tanks, Rommel called off the assault. Rommel never returned to Africa. Having arrived in Tunisia German forces ordered establishment of Judenrat and terrorised the local Jewish population into slave labour [] Mark Wills writes that the newly arrived German force forcefully conscripted young Jewish men, with rounded up in next 6 months.

    This forced labour was used in extremely dangerous situations near targets of bombing raids, facing hunger and violence.

    More than 2, Tunisian Jews died in six months of German rule, and the regular army was also involved in executions. He arrived in Greece on 25 July, but was recalled to Berlin the same day because of the overthrow of Mussolini [ clarification needed ].

    Rommel was to be posted to Italy as commander of the newly formed Army Group B. When Italy announced its armistice with the Allies on 8 September, his forces took part in Operation Achse , disarming the Italian forces.

    Hitler met with Rommel and Kesselring to discuss future operations in Italy on 30 September Rommel insisted on a defensive line north of Rome, while Kesselring was more optimistic and advocated holding a line south of Rome.

    Hitler preferred Kesselring's recommendation, and therefore revoked his previous decision for the subordination of Kesselring's forces to Rommel's army group.

    On 19 October Hitler decided that Kesselring would be the overall commander of the forces in Italy, sidelining Rommel. Rommel had wrongly predicted that the collapse of the German line in Italy would be fast.

    On 21 November Hitler gave Kesselring overall command of the Italian theater, moving Rommel and Army Group B to Normandy in France with responsibility for defending the French coast against the long anticipated Allied invasion.

    He was given a staff that befitted an army group commander, and the powers to travel, examine and make suggestions on how to improve the defences, but not a single soldier.

    Hitler, who was having a disagreement with him over military matters, intended to use Rommel as a psychological trump card. There was broad disagreement in the German High Command as to how best to meet the expected allied invasion of Northern France.

    The Commander-in-Chief West, Gerd von Rundstedt, believed there was no way to stop the invasion near the beaches because of the Allied navies' firepower, as had been experienced at Salerno.

    The allies could be allowed to extend themselves deep into France, where a battle for control would be fought, allowing the Germans to envelop the allied forces in a pincer movement, cutting off their avenue of retreat.

    He feared the piecemeal commitment of their armoured forces would cause them to become caught in a battle of attrition which they could not hope to win.

    The notion of holding the armour inland to use as a mobile reserve force from which they could mount a powerful counterattack applied the classic use of armoured formations as seen in France These tactics were still effective on the Eastern Front, where control of the air was important but did not dominate the action.

    Rommel's own experiences at the end of the North African campaign revealed to him that the Germans would not be allowed to preserve their armour from air attack for this type of massed assault.

    Though there had been some defensive positions established and gun emplacements made, the Atlantic Wall was a token defensive line. Rundstedt had confided to Rommel that it was for propaganda purposes only.

    Upon arriving in Northern France Rommel was dismayed by the lack of completed works. According to Ruge , Rommel was in a staff position and could not issue orders, but he took every effort to explain his plan to commanders down to the platoon level, who took up his words eagerly, but "more or less open" opposition from the above slowed down the process.

    He set out to improve the fortifications along the Atlantic Wall with great energy and engineering skill. The chain of command was convoluted: the airforce and navy had their own chiefs, as did the South and Southwest France and the Panzer group; Rommel also needed Hitler's permissions to use the tank divisions.

    The quality of some of the troops manning them was poor and many bunkers lacked sufficient stocks of ammunition.

    Rundstedt expected the Allies to invade in the Pas-de-Calais because it was the shortest crossing point from Britain, its port facilities were essential to supplying a large invasion force, and the distance from Calais to Germany was relatively short.

    Hitler vacillated between the two strategies. Rommel moved those armoured formations under his command as far forward as possible, ordering General Erich Marcks , commanding the 84th Corps defending the Normandy section, to move his reserves into the frontline.

    Although Rommel was the dominating personality in Normandy with Rundstedt willing to delegate most of the responsibilities to him the central reserve was Rundstedt's idea but he did not oppose to some form of coastal defense, and gradually came under the influence of Rommel's thinking , Rommel's strategy of an armor-supported coastal defense line was opposed by some officers, most notably Leo Geyr von Schweppenburg , who was supported by Guderian.

    The Allies staged elaborate deceptions for D-Day see Operation Fortitude , giving the impression that the landings would be at Calais.

    Although Hitler himself expected a Normandy invasion for a while, Rommel and most Army commanders in France believed there would be two invasions, with the main invasion coming at the Pas-de-Calais.

    Rommel drove defensive preparations all along the coast of Northern France, particularly concentrating fortification building in the River Somme estuary.

    By D-Day on 6 June nearly all the German staff officers, including Hitler's staff, believed that Pas-de-Calais was going to be the main invasion site, and continued to believe so even after the landings in Normandy had occurred.

    The 5 June storm in the channel seemed to make a landing very unlikely, and a number of the senior officers were away from their units for training exercises and various other efforts.

    On 4 June the chief meteorologist of the 3 Air Fleet reported that weather in the channel was so poor there could be no landing attempted for two weeks.

    On 5 June Rommel left France and on 6 June he was at home celebrating his wife's birthday. Meanwhile, earlier in the day, Rundstedt had requested the reserves be transferred to his command.

    Later in the day, Rundstedt received authorisation to move additional units in preparation for a counterattack, which Rundstedt decided to launch on 7 June.

    Upon arrival, Rommel concurred with the plan. By nightfall, Rundstedt, Rommel and Speidel continued to believe that the Normandy landing might have been a diversionary attack, as the Allied deception measures still pointed towards Calais.

    The 7 June counterattack did not take place because Allied air bombardments prevented the 12th SS's timely arrival. Facing relatively small-scale German counterattacks, the Allies secured five beachheads by nightfall of 6 June, landing , troops.

    Rommel believed that if his armies pulled out of range of Allied naval fire, it would give them a chance to regroup and re-engage them later with a better chance of success.

    While he managed to convince Rundstedt, they still needed to win over Hitler. At a meeting with Hitler at his Wolfsschlucht II headquarters in Margival in northern France on 17 June, Rommel warned Hitler about the inevitable collapse in the German defences, but was rebuffed and told to focus on military operations.

    By mid-July the German position was crumbling. Rommel was thrown from the car, suffering injuries to the left side of his face from glass shards and three fractures to his skull.

    The role that Rommel played in the military's resistance against Hitler or the 20 July plot is difficult to ascertain, as most of the leaders who were directly involved did not survive and limited documentation on the conspirators' plans and preparations exists.

    These papers, accidentally discovered by historian Christian Schweizer in while doing research on Rudolf Hartmann, include Hartmann's eyewitness account of a conversation between Rommel and Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel in May , as well as photos of the mid-May meeting between the inner circle of the resistance and Rommel at Kossmann's house.

    According to Hartmann, by the end of May, in another meeting at Hartmann's quarters in Mareil-Marly, Rommel showed "decisive determination" and clear approval of the inner circle's plan.

    According to a post-war account by Karl Strölin , three of Rommel's friends—the Oberbürgermeister of Stuttgart, Strölin who had served with Rommel in the First World War , Alexander von Falkenhausen and Carl Heinrich von Stülpnagel —began efforts to bring Rommel into the anti-Hitler conspiracy in early According to Strölin, sometime in February, Rommel agreed to lend his support to the resistance.

    The conspirators felt they needed the support of a field marshal on active duty. Erwin von Witzleben , who would have become commander-in-chief of the Wehrmacht had the plot succeeded, was a field marshal, but had been inactive since The conspirators gave instructions to Speidel to bring Rommel into their circle.

    Speidel met with former foreign minister Konstantin von Neurath and Strölin on 27 May in Germany, ostensibly at Rommel's request, although the latter was not present.

    Neurath and Strölin suggested opening immediate surrender negotiations in the West, and, according to Speidel, Rommel agreed to further discussions and preparations.

    On 16 May, they informed Allen Dulles , through whom they hoped to negotiate with the Western Allies, that Rommel could not be counted on for support.

    At least initially, Rommel opposed assassinating Hitler. After the war, his widow—among others—maintained that Rommel believed an assassination attempt would spark civil war in Germany and Austria, and Hitler would have become a martyr for a lasting cause.

    The arrest plan would have been highly improbable, as Hitler's security was extremely tight. Rommel would have known this, having commanded Hitler's army protection detail in On 15 July, Rommel wrote a letter to Hitler giving him a "last chance" to end the hostilities with the Western Allies, urging Hitler to "draw the proper conclusions without delay".

    What Rommel did not know was that the letter took two weeks to reach Hitler because of Kluge's precautions. Hart, reliable details of the conversations are now lost, although they certainly met.

    On 17 July, Rommel was incapacitated by an Allied air attack, which many authors describe as a fateful event that drastically altered the outcome of the bomb plot.

    After the failed bomb attack of 20 July, many conspirators were arrested and the dragnet expanded to thousands. Historian Peter Lieb considers the memorandum, as well as Eberbach's conversation and the testimonies of surviving resistant members including Hartmann to be the three key sources that indicate Rommel's support of the assassination plan.

    He further notes that while Speidel had an interest in promoting his own post-war career, his testimonies should not be dismissed, considering his bravery as an early resistance figure.

    He began to contemplate this plan some months after El Alamein and carried it out with a lonely decision and conviction, and in the end, had managed to bring military leaders in the West to his side.

    Rommel's case was turned over to the "Court of Military Honour"—a drumhead court-martial convened to decide the fate of officers involved in the conspiracy.

    The Court acquired information from Speidel, Hofacker and others that implicated Rommel, with Keitel and Ernst Kaltenbrunner assuming that he had taken part in the subversion.

    Keitel and Guderian then made the decision that favoured Speidel's case and at the same time shifted the blame to Rommel. However, Hitler knew that having Rommel branded and executed as a traitor would severely damage morale on the home front.

    Burgdorf informed him of the charges and offered him three options: he could choose to defend himself personally to Hitler in Berlin, [N 9] or if he refused to do so which would be taken as an admission of guilt , he would either face the People's Court—which would have been tantamount to a death sentence—or choose a quiet suicide.

    In the former case, his family would have suffered even before the all-but-certain conviction and execution, and his staff would have been arrested and executed as well.

    In the latter case, the government would claim that he died a hero and bury him with full military honours, and his family would receive full pension payments.

    Burgdorf had brought a cyanide capsule. Rommel denied involvement in the plot, declaring his love for Hitler, and saying that he would gladly serve his "Fatherland" again.

    Before the two officers came, Rommel had told his family and friends that he would not reach Berlin alive, considering the fact that his appearing before a court "would be the end of Hitler", too.

    After stopping, Doose and Maisel walked away from the car, leaving Rommel with Burgdorf. Five minutes later Burgdorf gestured to the two men to return to the car, and Doose noticed that Rommel was slumped over, having taken the cyanide.

    He died before being taken to the Wagner-Schule field hospital. Ten minutes later, the group telephoned Rommel's wife to inform her of his death.

    The official story of Rommel's death, as reported to the public, stated that Rommel had died of either a heart attack or a cerebral embolism —a complication of the skull fractures he had suffered in the earlier strafing of his staff car.

    As previously promised, Rommel was given a state funeral. The fact that his state funeral was held in Ulm instead of Berlin had, according to his son, been stipulated by Rommel.

    Rommel's grave is located in Herrlingen, a short distance west of Ulm. For decades after the war on the anniversary of his death, veterans of the Africa campaign, including former opponents, would gather at his tomb in Herrlingen.

    On the Italian front in the First World War Rommel was a successful tactician in fast-developing mobile battle, and this shaped his subsequent style as a military commander.

    He found that taking initiative and not allowing the enemy forces to regroup led to victory. Some authors, like Porch, comment that his enemies were often less organised, second-rate, or depleted, and his tactics were less effective against adequately led, trained and supplied opponents and proved insufficient in the later years of the war.

    Rommel is praised by numerous authors as a great leader of men. Taking his opponents by surprise and creating uncertainty in their minds were key elements in Rommel's approach to offensive warfare: he took advantage of sand storms and the dark of night to conceal the movement of his forces.

    When the British mounted a commando raid deep behind German lines in an effort to kill Rommel and his staff on the eve of their Crusader offensive , Rommel was indignant that the British expected to find his headquarters miles behind his front.

    Mellenthin lists Rommel's counterattack during Operation Crusader as one such instance. For his leadership during the French campaign Rommel received both praise and criticism.

    Many, such as General Georg Stumme , who had previously commanded 7th Panzer Division, were impressed with the speed and success of Rommel's drive.

    Some pointed out that Rommel's division took the highest casualties in the campaign. Rommel spoke German with a pronounced southern German or Swabian accent.

    He was not a part of the Prussian aristocracy that dominated the German high command, and as such was looked upon somewhat suspiciously by the Wehrmacht 's traditional power structure.

    Rommel was direct, unbending, tough in his manners, to superiors and subordinates alike, disobedient even to Hitler whenever he saw fit, although gentle and diplomatic to the lower ranks German and Italian alike and POWs.

    Many of these traits seemed to manifest even at a very young age. Although he was nominally subordinate to the Italians, he enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy from them; since he was directing their troops in battle as well as his own, this was bound to cause hostility among Italian commanders.

    Conversely, as the Italian command had control over the supplies of the forces in Africa, they resupplied Italian units preferentially, which was a source of resentment for Rommel and his staff.

    While certainly much less proficient than Rommel in their leadership, aggressiveness, tactical outlook and mobile warfare skills, [] Italian commanders were competent in logistics, strategy and artillery doctrine: their troops were ill-equipped but well-trained.

    As such, the Italian commanders were repeatedly at odds with Rommel over concerns with issues of supply. This effort resulted only in partial success, with Kesselring's own relationship with the Italians being unsteady and Kesselring claiming Rommel ignored him as readily as he ignored the Italians.

    According to Scianna, opinion among the Italian military leaders was not unanimous. In general, Rommel was a target of criticism and a scapegoat for defeat rather than a glorified figure, with certain generals also trying to replace him as the heroic leader or hijack the Rommel myth for their own benefit.

    Nevertheless, he never became a hated figure, although the "abandonment myth", despite being repudiated by officers of the X Corps themselves, was long-lived.

    Many found Rommel's chaotic leadership and emotional character hard to work with, yet the Italians held him in higher regard than other German senior commanders, militarily and personally.

    Very different, however, was the perception of Rommel by Italian common soldiers and NCOs, who, like the German field troops, had the deepest trust and respect for him.

    Rommel himself held a much more generous view about the Italian soldier [] than about their leadership, towards whom his disdain, deeply rooted in militarism, was not atypical, although unlike Kesselring he was incapable of concealing it.

    James J. Sadkovich states examples of Rommel for abandoning his Italian units, refusing cooperation, rarely acknowledging their achievements and other improper behaviour towards his Italian allies, Giuseppe Mancinell who was liaison between German and Italian command accused Rommel of blaming Italians for his own errors.

    Sadkovich names Rommel as arrogantly ethnocentric and disdainful towards Italians [] However, others point out that the Italians under Rommel, in comparison with many of their compatriots in other areas, were better led, supplied, and trained, fighting well as a result, with a ratio of wounded and killed Italians similar to that of the Germans.

    Many authors describe Rommel as having a reputation of being a chivalrous, humane, and professional officer, and that he earned the respect of both his own troops and his enemies.

    Whoever fights against the German soldier has lost any right to be treated well and shall experience toughness reserved for the rabble which betrays friends.

    Every member of the German troop has to adopt this stance. According to Maurice Remy, orders issued by Hitler during Rommel's stay in a hospital resulted in massacres in the course of Operation Achse , disarming the Italian forces after the armistice with the Allies in , but according to Remy Rommel treated his Italian opponents with his usual fairness, requiring that the prisoners should be accorded the same conditions as German civilians.

    Remy opines that an order in which Rommel, in fact protesting against Hitler's directives, called for no "sentimental scruples" against "Badoglio-dependent bandits in uniforms of the once brothers-in-arms" should not be taken out of context.

    In the Normandy campaign both Allied and German troops murdered prisoners of war on occasion during June and July It is likely that he had acted similarly in North Africa.

    Telp states that Rommel was chivalrous by nature and not prone to order needless violence. Historian Richard J. Evans has stated that German soldiers in Tunisia raped Jewish women, and the success of Rommel's forces in capturing or securing Allied, Italian and Vichy French territory in North Africa led to many Jews in these areas being killed by other German institutions as part of the Holocaust.

    While committed by Italian forces, Patrick Bernhard writes "the Germans were aware of Italian reprisals behind the front lines.

    Yet, perhaps surprisingly, they seem to have exercised little control over events. The German consul general in Tripoli consulted with Italian state and party officials about possible countermeasures against the natives, but this was the full extent of German involvement.

    Thus, although he had no direct hand in the atrocities, Rommel made himself complicit in war crimes by failing to point out that international laws of war strictly prohibited certain forms of retaliation.

    By giving carte blanche to the Italians, Rommel implicitly condoned, and perhaps even encouraged, their war crimes". Kriegsverbrechen, koloniale Massengewalt und Judenverfolgung in Nordafrika , Bernhard writes that North African campaign was hardly "war without hate" as Rommel described it, and points out rapes of women, ill treatment and executions of captured POWs, as well as racially motivated murders of Arabs, Berbers and Jews, in addition to establishment of concentration camps.

    Bernhard again cites discussion among the German and Italian authorities about Rommel's position regarding countermeasures against local resurrection according to them, Rommel wanted to eliminate the danger at all costs to show that Rommel fundamentally approved of Italian policy in the matter.

    Bernhard opines that Rommel had informal power over the matter because his military success brought him influence on the Italian authorities.

    The Museum states that Rommel was certainly aware that planning was taking place,even if his reaction to it isn't recorded, and while the main proposed Einsatzgruppen were never set in action, smaller units did murder Jews in North Africa [].

    On the other hand, Christopher Gabel remarks that Richards Evans seems to attempt to prove that Rommel was a war criminal by association but fails to produce evidence that he had actual or constructive knowledge about said crimes.

    Shepherd comments that Rommel showed insight and restraint when dealing with the nomadic Arabs, the only civilians who occasionally intervened into the war and thus risked reprisals as a result.

    Shepherd cites a request by Rommel to the Italian High Command, in which he complained about excesses against the Arabic population and noted that reprisals without identifying the real culprits were never expedient.

    Aisa Bu Graiem, who worked as foreman and cook for the Luftwaffe recalls that when some Arabs complained, Rommel politely told them that his soldiers did not have enough to eat, but when the war ended they would be compensated.

    Rommel's war is always part of Hitler's war of worldviews, whether Rommel wanted it or not. However, in view of the Axis' deteriorating situation in Africa it returned to Germany in September.

    Shepherd , Rommel had already been retreating and there is no proof of his contact with the Einsatzkommando.

    Haaretz also remarks that Rommel's influence probably softened the Nazi authorities' attitude to the Jews and to the civilian population generally in North Africa.

    The nature of the fighting as well diminished the last-ditch, close-quarter actions that are primary nurturers of mutual bitterness.

    A battalion overrun by tanks usually had its resistance broken so completely that nothing was to be gained by a broken-backed final stand. Joachim Käppner writes that while the conflict in North Africa was not as bloody as in Eastern Europe,the Afrika Korps committed some war crimes [].

    Historian Martin Kitchen states that the reputation of the Afrika Korps was preserved by circumstances: The sparsely populated desert areas did not lend themselves to ethnic cleansing; the German forces never reached the large Jewish populations in Egypt and Palestine; and in the urban areas of Tunisia and Tripolitania the Italian government constrained the German efforts to discriminate against or eliminate Jews who were Italian citizens.

    Remy writes that this number was unchanged following the German invasion of Tunisia in while Curtis notes that of these Jews would be sent to forced labour camps.

    According to this study's files, his half-Jews were not as affected by the racial laws as most others serving on the European continent.

    Captain Horst van Oppenfeld a staff officer to Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg and a quarter-Jew says that Rommel did not concern himself with the racial decrees and he had never experienced any trouble caused by his ancestry during his time in the DAK even if Rommel never personally interfered on his behalf.

    At his 17 June meeting with Hitler at Margival he protested against the massacre of the citizens of the French town of Oradour-sur-Glane , committed by the 2nd SS Panzer Division Das Reich , and asked to be allowed to punish the division.

    Building the Atlantic Wall was officially the responsibility of the Organisation Todt , [] which was not under Rommel's command, but he enthusiastically joined the task, [] protesting slave labour and suggesting that they should recruit French civilians and pay them good wages.

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